Vera Lengsfeld: "Merkel doesn't want a CDU election victory - I've known her since 1990"
Written by Vera Lengsfeld for Die Achse des Guten.
I have known Angela Merkel since 1990 and know from her own mouth that she has basically always rejected the CDU (“I want nothing to do with the CDU” said to Ewald König. “I don't want to look like a West CDU chick " she said to me). For her, the party was the only option to get into big politics after Lothar de Maizière first made her his deputy government spokeswoman and then successfully proposed her to the Kohl cabinet. She became Minister for Women and Youth and inherited de Maizère as Deputy Federal Chairwoman of the CDU.
But the party, which she never formally joined, but into which she was accepted as a member of the “Democratic Awakening”, only served Merkel as a vehicle of power. I am firmly convinced that there has never been any other bond. That was always Merkel's strength. She could act freely without being hindered by emotional concerns. During her time as party leader, and increasingly as Chancellor, she shifted the CDU further and further to the left.
Nuclear phase-out as a wedding gift
During the time of the first grand coalition, the Social Democrats joked that Merkel was the best female social chancellor of all time. Then they stopped laughing because Merkel was involved in social democratic politics, but it did not help the SPD, but rather harmed it. The black and yellow interim government has slowed the left shift of the CDU, but not stopped it. Even the FDP could not or did not want to prevent the sudden exit from atomic energy.
Officially, that was Merkel's reaction to the tsunami in Japan, but the Greens had previously signaled internally that there could be no coalition with the Union because of the decision to extend the term for the nuclear power plant by the black and yellow government. The party leadership of the Greens would have understood very well that Merkel wanted to collect the money for the implementation of the energy transition from the nuclear power operators with this extension of the term. However, the basis would not support that, said Claudia Roth's office manager during a summer party at Wannsee. In the second grand coalition, even more green issues were focused. The open borders demanded by Claudia Roth were implemented by Chancellor Merkel in 2016.
There shouldn't actually be a third GroKo [Grand Coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD]. But it wasn't enough for black-green because the Greens entered the Bundestag as the weakest party in 2017 and they were forced to negotiate with the FDP. But it was dumped so arrogantly that the annoyed Christian Lindner got out.
During the time of the first grand coalition, the Social Democrats joked that Merkel was the best female social chancellor of all time. Then they stopped laughing because Merkel was involved in social democratic politics, but it did not help the SPD, but rather harmed it. The black and yellow interim government has slowed the left shift of the CDU, but not stopped it. Even the FDP could not or did not want to prevent the sudden exit from atomic energy.
Officially, that was Merkel's reaction to the tsunami in Japan, but the Greens had previously signaled internally that there could be no coalition with the Union because of the decision to extend the term for the nuclear power plant by the black and yellow government. The party leadership of the Greens would have understood very well that Merkel wanted to collect the money for the implementation of the energy transition from the nuclear power operators with this extension of the term. However, the basis would not support that, said Claudia Roth's office manager during a summer party at Wannsee. In the second grand coalition, even more green issues were focused. The open borders demanded by Claudia Roth were implemented by Chancellor Merkel in 2016.
There shouldn't actually be a third GroKo [Grand Coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD]. But it wasn't enough for black-green because the Greens entered the Bundestag as the weakest party in 2017 and they were forced to negotiate with the FDP. But it was dumped so arrogantly that the annoyed Christian Lindner got out.
Instead of being given the chance to recover from the opposition, the SPD had to participate in government again and has since suffered from apparently incurable consumption. Why a 15 percent party is still running a candidate for chancellor has more to do with the power of habit than with a real chance of emerging as the strongest party in the next elections.
The Greens are Merkel's most loyal allies
The fourth Merkel government is the very grand coalition, because it has the green ruling party on board while waiting. The Greens are Merkel's most loyal allies, which once again proves their unconditional support for the annulment of the Basic Law by means of an amendment to the Disease Protection Act. Merkel obviously has the goal of laying the ax to federalism at the end of her term of office, which is supposed to prevent Germany from becoming a central power again.
This short story has to be kept in mind if one is to understand what the question of Chancellor in the Union is really about.
There are two opposing positions: Armin Laschet has recognized that Germany today is a case of restructuring and that the country, and with him leading the CDU, needs a fundamental renewal. Friedrich Merz is also aware of this, which is why he supports his former adversary Laschet. Both stand for a break with Merkel's policy and a fresh start. Merz is right when he says that Germany is only three percent away from a Chancellor Baerbock, and he wants to prevent that.
Markus Söder, on the other hand, stands for a continuation of Merkel's policy. If you want Merkel votes, you have to do Merkel politics, he announced. His General Secretary Markus Blume seconded: "We want to continue the success story, the legacy of Angela Merkel." Now the Merkel votes are decreasing. Even if she emerged victorious in the elections, it was not because she had achieved historical successes, but benefited from the weakness of the opponents.
The fourth Merkel government is the very grand coalition, because it has the green ruling party on board while waiting. The Greens are Merkel's most loyal allies, which once again proves their unconditional support for the annulment of the Basic Law by means of an amendment to the Disease Protection Act. Merkel obviously has the goal of laying the ax to federalism at the end of her term of office, which is supposed to prevent Germany from becoming a central power again.
This short story has to be kept in mind if one is to understand what the question of Chancellor in the Union is really about.
There are two opposing positions: Armin Laschet has recognized that Germany today is a case of restructuring and that the country, and with him leading the CDU, needs a fundamental renewal. Friedrich Merz is also aware of this, which is why he supports his former adversary Laschet. Both stand for a break with Merkel's policy and a fresh start. Merz is right when he says that Germany is only three percent away from a Chancellor Baerbock, and he wants to prevent that.
Markus Söder, on the other hand, stands for a continuation of Merkel's policy. If you want Merkel votes, you have to do Merkel politics, he announced. His General Secretary Markus Blume seconded: "We want to continue the success story, the legacy of Angela Merkel." Now the Merkel votes are decreasing. Even if she emerged victorious in the elections, it was not because she had achieved historical successes, but benefited from the weakness of the opponents.
Söder will help the Greens into the Chancellery
Merkel's policy has changed Germany profoundly, but not for the better. On the one hand, it produced the AfD and, on the other hand, made the Greens strong. Within just four years, the weakest opposition party in the Bundestag has become a party that not only runs a candidate for chancellor, but can also work out real chances for the chancellery. If Söder should become a candidate for chancellor, he will help the Greens into the Chancellery.
I have already said it in earlier texts and I am repeating it now: In my opinion, Merkel does not want the Union to win the next federal election because that is the only chance for her that her policy will not be assessed.
Söder is the guarantee that Germany as a restructuring case will not be discussed in the election campaign. As soon as Söder is nominated, what has already been practiced in Der Spiegel will set in: All of his contradicting statements will be dissected and he will be ripped off by the old media. The old media, which rely fully on Baerbock hype, will look at Söders mask shops and the subsidies for his wife's company. Against Baerbock, the bully from Bavaria will look old. She is as good a media professional as he is. In terms of content, there is nothing to be offered. She will show him and the public that green politics are still better made from the original than from plagiarism.
Armin Laschet is the only chance for the Union to swim free from the left-green corner and to set its own substantive accents. Reinforced with the economic and financial competence of Friedrich Merz, this could avert the impending defeat and the disintegration of the CDU.
I'm not saying that because I'm a supporter of both, but because I'm afraid for Germany, which deserves better than being dismantled for good.
Merkel's policy has changed Germany profoundly, but not for the better. On the one hand, it produced the AfD and, on the other hand, made the Greens strong. Within just four years, the weakest opposition party in the Bundestag has become a party that not only runs a candidate for chancellor, but can also work out real chances for the chancellery. If Söder should become a candidate for chancellor, he will help the Greens into the Chancellery.
I have already said it in earlier texts and I am repeating it now: In my opinion, Merkel does not want the Union to win the next federal election because that is the only chance for her that her policy will not be assessed.
Söder is the guarantee that Germany as a restructuring case will not be discussed in the election campaign. As soon as Söder is nominated, what has already been practiced in Der Spiegel will set in: All of his contradicting statements will be dissected and he will be ripped off by the old media. The old media, which rely fully on Baerbock hype, will look at Söders mask shops and the subsidies for his wife's company. Against Baerbock, the bully from Bavaria will look old. She is as good a media professional as he is. In terms of content, there is nothing to be offered. She will show him and the public that green politics are still better made from the original than from plagiarism.
Armin Laschet is the only chance for the Union to swim free from the left-green corner and to set its own substantive accents. Reinforced with the economic and financial competence of Friedrich Merz, this could avert the impending defeat and the disintegration of the CDU.
I'm not saying that because I'm a supporter of both, but because I'm afraid for Germany, which deserves better than being dismantled for good.
Source: Die Achse des Guten
Photo: Karlheinz Schindler.
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